Suchergebnisse

In the space of 47 years the Albania national football team played two games at the JNA stadium in Belgrade. At both games, events with a clear political content took place. At the 1967 game, a group of about 5,000 fans supported the Albania national team, some of whom wore qeleshes as a possible marker of Albanian ethnicity. The 2014 game, which was also a European Championship qualifier, was marked by the appearance of a drone carrying the Greater Albania flag, which descended towards the pitch. As players tried to get hold of the flag, a scuffle broke out and supporters invaded the pitch, with the result that the match was suspended. In this paper, both events are interpreted within the context of other political events in the region immediately preceding and following the matches. The events at the 1967 game are compared to the demonstrations in Pristina a year later. The comparison highlights differences in the political attitudes of the masses and the elites. While the masses had clear aspirations towards the unification of all Albanians, regardless of the situation in Albania at the time and Enver Hoxha's Stalinist regime, the elite perceived the danger of these ideas and channeled the strategy toward solutions that appeared feasible, namely, the establishment of a republic within Yugoslavia. Again, at the game 47 years later, the drone with the message of Greater Albania was not the expression of the political will of the elite, who were aware that Albania's and Kosovo's current political positions do not allow for the abolishing of borders. In both cases, the political elites did not explicitly reject the idea of unification, as it would be politically inopportune to reject an idea that is prevalent in the cultural intimacy of the broad masses of the people, but it was sidelined and modified into unity within the broader context of integrations and breaking down of barriers in the region and in Europe.

The analysis of the film Montevideo, Taste of a Dream starts off from the fact that over half a million people saw the film in theatres, and the sequel did almost as good. The causes for this kind of popularity, which have made the film one of the most successful blockbusters in Serbia, may be found in the wide spectrum of ideological content in the film. This content is evident in the characterization of the characters and, especially, in the oppositional relations established between them. The main oppositions in the film are between the Yugoslav ideology of the state and the desire for an independent Serbia, between the bourgeois-patriarchal and free-celibate understanding of love and marriage, and hedonism as opposed to political activism. Along with local-patriotism, a bourgeois view of love and marriage based on romance, the idea of socially responsible entrepreneurship and football supporting, these oppositions make up a wide array of ideological content offered by the film. This has enabled viewers to selectively identify with these ideas and, in turn, enabled the great success of the film.

As a form of folklore, urban legends contain prejudice and ethnic stereotypes very often. It is because of contents like these, noted in legends dating as far back as ancient Rome, that the emergence of legends in which xenophobic characters are mocked, attracts attention. It poses the question to what extent contemporary multi-culturalism and the insistence on political correctness have influenced modern folklore. An analysis of three such legends recorded across Europe and two legends recorded in Serbia should answer the question of whether there is tolerance within these urban legends and if there is what it pertains to.

Antropolozi 'internalisti' bave se sobom na dva sasvim različita načina. Etnografi s antropološkom diplomom su preko refleksivnosti došli do autoetnografije, dok oni koji se bave sobom na nivou discipline pišu o antropologiji tj. najčešće istoriju antropologije. Antropolozi 'eksternalisti' se bave svetom. Neki od njih su klasični etnografi koji proizvode obične ili 'guste' opise, neki pokušavaju svet da tumače, a treći, koji preko akcione stižu do militantne antropologije, pokušavaju da svet menjaju i usklade sa svojim političkim stavovima. ; Anthropologists who can be categorized as 'internalists' engage with the self in two completely different ways. Ethnographers with an anthropological diploma arrived at auto-ethnography through reflexivity, while those who deal with the self at the disciplinary level usually write about anthropology or, most often, write histories of anthropology. Anthropologists categorized as 'externalist' engage with the world at large. Some of them are classic ethnographers who produce ordinary or 'thick' descriptions, some of them try to interpret the world, and the third kind arrive at militant anthropology by way of activist anthropology, and try to change the world in accordance with their political opinion.

Urbana legenda o događaju u beogradskom parku u kojoj mlada osoba greškom jede keks koji pripada starcu s kojim deli klupu, predstavlja transformaciju urbane legende koja se u britanskoj varijanti odnosi na stariju Britanku i mlađeg useljenika, da bi se nacionalnost menjala u verzijama širom Evrope. Pre transformacije u Srbiji legenda je doživela i depolitizaciju svodeći aktere na dvoje ljudi u cilju pedagoške i moralno-religijske propagande. U Srbiji starosne karakteristike su zamenile mesta, a poruka legende proizlazi iz specifične podele na Miloševićevu i 'Drugu Srbiju' nastale u poslednjoj deceniji dvadesetog veka. U oba slučaja legenda propoveda adaptaciju i asimilaciju saopštavajući da 'drugi' mogu naučiti da budu kao 'mi', što im garantuje prestanak položaja 'drugog'. ; The urban legend that tells of how a young person ate by mistake some biscuits belonging to an old man sitting on the same bench in a Belgrade park is a transformation of an urban legend whose British version features an elderly British lady and a young immigrant, and which can be found throughout Europe, involving protagonists of various nationalities. Before undergoing transformation in Serbia, the legend was depoliticized, reducing the protagonists to two persons for the purposes of moral instruction and moral-religious propaganda. In Serbia, the age of the two protagonists has been reversed, while the moral of the story derives from the specific 1990s distinction between Slobodan Milošević's Serbia and 'the Other Serbia'. In both cases, the legend propagates the idea of adaptation and assimilation, suggesting that 'others' can learn to be like 'us', which ensures that they are no longer in the position of 'the other'.

Kiosk kao građevinska forma postoji u Beogradu kontinuirano više od pola veka. Smena formi kioska, u kome su se prodavale novine i cigarete, pratila je promene stilova u dizajnu i nije privlačila pažnju šire javnosti sve do pojave velikog broja kioska u centralnom delu grada. Ta pojava koincidira sa preuzimanjem lokalne vlasti od strane političkih stranaka koje su bile opozicija režimu Slobodana Miloševića i kolapsom socijalistički ustrojenih preduzeća za promet velim brojem artikala, čija se prodaja "seli" na kioske. Preuzimanjem vlasti na državnom nivou menja se odnos prema kioscima i jedinstvena državna i lokalna vlast počinje kampanju za njihovo uklanjanje. U radu se razmatra odnos ideologije i kioska kao arhitektonske forme, sa jedne strane, i kao sredstva za obavljanje ekonomske delatnosti, sa druge strane. ; Kiosk, a lightly constructed edifice, exists in Belgrade for more than half of a century. Shapes and constructions of kiosks that used to sell newspapers and cigarettes have followed general change in building styles over the years, requiring little or no attention from the public. However, at the time when Milošević opposition parties took over local government/management large number of kiosks became positioned in the center of the city. At the same time, Milošević's socialistic trading firms collapsed, and sales of many items transferred to kiosks. The change of government at the local level caused a different politics toward kiosks, and united state and local governments put an effort into removal of kiosks from the centre of Belgrade. This paper discusses the relationship between ideology and kiosk as architecture' structure, and kiosks' economic productivity.

U radu se, uz korišćenje etnografskog metoda posmatranja s učestvovanjem, razmatra studija slučaja ekonomskog ponašanja stanara jedne zgrade u centru Beograda. Spoljašnji pokazatelji potrošnje, kao i saznanja istraživača o prihodima izvesnog broja stanara, ukazivali su na zaključak o znatnom udelu sive ekonomije u prihodovnoj strani posmatranih domaćinstava. Namera rada je da, u okviru ovde tek skicirane "antropologije neformalnog prihodovanja", ukaže na manjkavosti zvaničnih statističkih podataka o prihodima građana na osnovu kojih se prave procene visine standarda, ostavljajući van statistike i zvaničnih saznanja veliku oblast neformalnih oblika prihodovanja koji znatnom broju građana u Srbiji omogućava lakše preživljavanje i bolji materijalni položaj od zvaničnih procena. Takođe, jedna od namera rada bila je da, povezujući sivu ekonomiju i političko ponašanje građana, ukaže na činjenicu da je u poslednje dve decenije bunt građana u Srbiji uvek bio motivisan političkim a ne ekonomskim razlozima, što bi se dalo očekivati s obzirom na, u javnom diskursu, često isticanu katastrofalnu ekonomsku situaciju u zemlji. . ; The paper represents a case study of the economic behavior of the tenants of a building in downtown Belgrade. The data was gathered through ethnographic methods of observation and informal interviews. The external indicators of spending, as well as the researcher's knowledge about the professions and income of a number of tenants pointed toward the conclusion that informal economy plays a major role in the earnings of the observed households. The goal of this paper is to point out the shortcomings of official statistical data on the income of Serbian citizens on which assessments of the standard of living are based. The outline of an "anthropology of informal earning" is given, and suggested as a way to access information on a wide variety of informal means of acquiring income which are left out of formal statistics, yet enable a significant proportion of Serbian citizens to attain a better standard of living than is suggested by official data. Another goal was to, by making a connection between informal economy and the political choices of Serbian citizens; point out the fact that the revolts occurring over the past two decades were mainly motivated by political and not economic reasons as would be expected. This is especially relevant, keeping in mind the catastrophic economic situation in the country which is often emphasized in public discourse, and taking into account the different events and parameters - starting with the hyperinflation in the first half of the 90's, international sanctions, the increase in public spending on the part of all the regimes that had been in power, great budget deficits and national debt, up to and including the lack of much needed economic reform. Given all this, it is confounding that economic reasons do not cause the people to revolt, unless, we look to the informal economy which allows a significant number of Serbian citizens to have a more comfortable existence than public data suggests.

U članku se analiziraju posledice redukcionističke primene kriterijuma karakterističnih za prirodne, poglavito laboratorijske nauke, pri vrednovanju rezultata naučnog rada istraživača i institucija iz drugih naučnih polja, prevashodno u polju društveno-humanističkih nauka u Republici Srbiji. Za primer ovog trenda u analizi se uzimaju važeći, apsurdni kriterijumi za izvođenje doktorskih studija iz polja društveno- humanističkih nauka, koji isključuju naučne knjige nastavnika dok isključivo vrednuju naučne članke. Potom se analiziraju neznanje, zablude, logičke greške i interesi koji iza takvih kriterijuma mogu stajati. Posebno se analizira redukcija globalnog na fundamentalno i redukcija nauke na naučnu komunikaciju. Zaključuje se da primena važećih kriterijuma vodi gubljenju interpretativnog suvereniteta, koje nastupa onda kada se institucije, autori, recenzenti i urednici visokog nivoa kompetencije i ekspertize za regionalnu i nacionalnu problematiku žrtvuju u korist inostranih vlasnika, institucija, autora, recenzenata i urednika po pravilu nižeg nivoa kompetencije i ekspertize za regionalna i nacionalna pitanja, s van-naučnim interesima i lojalnostima koji mogu biti u neskladu s interesima građana Republike Srbije. Konačno, promišljaju se posledice tekućeg odricanja od naučnog interpretativnog suvereniteta, posebno prepuštanje interpretacije istorije, identiteta i s njima povezanih kulturnih pitanja i društvenih problema nenaučnim diskursima u srpskom društvu, koji neminovno popunjavaju javni prostor, upražnjen sve bržim gašenjem naučnih časopisa i edicija naučnih knjiga na srpskom jeziku i jezicima nacionalnih manjina. ; The article analyzes the consequences of the reductionist application of criteria typical of the natural, mainly laboratory sciences, in the process of evaluation of the results of the work of researchers and institutions in all the other scientific disciplines, mainly in the field of social sciences and humanities, in the Republic of Serbia. As an example of this trend, the analysis focuses on the absurd criteria, currently in effect, for the conducting of PhD studies in the field of social sciences and humanities, which exclude the scientific books written by lecturers and only value articles published in journals. After this, the ignorance, misapprehensions, logical fallacies and interests which might be behind these criteria are analyzed. Special attention in the analysis is given to the reduction of global to fundamental. It is concluded that the application of the criteria currently in effect leads to the loss of interpretative sovereignty, which occurs when institutions, authors, referees and editors who are highly competent experts in regional and national issues are sacrificed in favor of foreign owners, institutions, authors, referees and editors that, by and large, possess less competence and expertise in regional and national issues, and have non-scientific interests and loyalties which don't necessarily coincide with the interests of Serbian citizens. Finally, the consequences of the ongoing ethnocidal renunciation of scientific interpretative sovereignty are considered, especially the relinquishing of interpretations of history, identity and interconnected cultural issues and social problems to nonscientific discourses in Serbian society. Discourses which inevitably fill the empty room left in the public sphere by the ever-faster extinguishing of journals and publications in Serbian and the languages of ethnic minorities.